UC Irvine

Familial support is well-documented in the sociological literature as a means through which individuals can cope with stressors. In this dissertation, I extend this research by examining how familial social support is perceived and utilized by incarcerated and formerly incarcerated fathers—and how this shapes their mental well-being—by drawing on qualitative interview data collected as part of the Jail and Family Life Study. Though the focus of my research questions is on perceptions of incarcerated fathers, I include in-depth interviews from both these men and their mothers to tell an intergenerational story that reflects the interconnected nature of social support and speaks to the collateral consequences of incarceration. I find that most of these men understand social support as both instrumental and emotional support and report receiving this support during and after incarceration. To take advantage of these sources of coping assistance, respondents must surmount a number of conditions, including: 1) having the ability and resources to call on members of their support network; 2) being able to meet the conditions put on any support; and 3) the sense that doing so would not excessively burden others or that they have the ability to either reciprocate or extricate themselves from this support in the near future. I also find that there are many instances of mothers supporting their sons emotionally and instrumentally—in addition to a disconnect between reports of emotional support provision and emotional support perception from their incarcerated sons, which seems to disappear after release. There are two main barriers to sons’ perception of emotional support from their mothers: 1) previous experience with their mother’s tough love approach toward them; and 2) a desire to shield her from their emotional needs while they are not in a position to reciprocate support as much as when they are not incarcerated. I find that, for those who do perceive emotional support from their mothers, it shapes their mental well-being such that: 1) those who rely on family for coping support report limited or no mental health issues; 2) those who lose familial support during or after incarceration report accelerating from more mild mental health issues to more extensive mental health issues; and 3) those who experience inconsistent familial emotional support or who utilize other coping methods such as distraction and substance use report more extensive mental health issues.