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Cover page of Massachusetts Uber/Lyft Ballot Proposition Would Create Subminimum Wage: Drivers Could Earn as Little as $4.82 an Hour

Massachusetts Uber/Lyft Ballot Proposition Would Create Subminimum Wage: Drivers Could Earn as Little as $4.82 an Hour

(2021)

Massachusetts Uber/Lyft Ballot Proposition Would Create Subminimum Wage: Drivers Could Earn as Little as $4.82 an HourBY KEN JACOBS AND MICHAEL REICH ON SEPTEMBER 29, 2021CENTER ON WAGE AND EMPLOYMENT DYNAMICSGIG ECONOMYLOW-WAGE WORKPUBLIC POLICYDOWNLOAD:

Report 

Uber and Lyft, along with a group of delivery network companies, have filed a ballot proposition in Massachusetts to create a separate set of labor standards for their drivers. The proposition, which could be on the November 2022 ballot, is modeled on Proposition 22 in California. As in California, the Massachusetts proposition claims drivers will receive a guaranteed pay equal to 120 percent of the minimum wage, which would calculate to $18 when the proposition would take effect.

Cover page of New York City’s Gig Driver Pay Standard: Effects on Drivers, Passengers, and the Companies

New York City’s Gig Driver Pay Standard: Effects on Drivers, Passengers, and the Companies

(2020)

New York City’s minimum driver pay standard, which became effective in February 2019, is intended to protect app-dispatch drivers from being paid less than the equivalent of the city’s $15 minimum wage, plus some paid time off. The standard provides a minimum pay for the time spent on a trip and a reimbursement for driving expenses. It is designed to compensate drivers for all their working hours and to account fully for drivers’ expenses during all of their working time.

We present here our preliminary research findings concerning the effects of this minimum driver pay standard. We examine the policy’s effects on driver pay and hours, passenger fares and company commissions, driver utilization rates, trip length, passenger demand, and passenger waiting time. We also investigate how the effects vary between peak and off-peak demand periods.

Cover page of Workers and the COVID-19 Recession: Trends in UI Claims & Benefits, Jobs, and Unemployment

Workers and the COVID-19 Recession: Trends in UI Claims & Benefits, Jobs, and Unemployment

(2020)

The COVID-19 crisis that hit the world and the United States has resulted in profound changes to our way of life. While this paper focuses on workers and economic effects, we note that the crisis is foremost one of a pandemic. The economic situation is a byproduct. There have been significant differences in countries’ policy responses to the pandemic, which in turn have led to important disparate economic outcomes. It is clear the U.S. Federal government’s abdication of responsibility in responding to the crisis has left far too many in peril, both economically and healthwise. The absence of a coherent national strategy has exposed and exacerbated long-standing racial and economic inequalities—again, both economically and healthwise. Fits and starts of economic activity continue to have feedback loops with the evolution of the virus. Public policy and investment will largely determine our rates of sickness, death and economic pain.

It also warrants early emphasis that information contained in this paper of the profound economic devastation wrought by COVID-19 is neither a call for immediate business reopenings nor stimulus spending as traditionally understood. Comparing the current economic crisis with the Great Recession or any other contemporary recession shows that this crisis is categorically different. While attempts to return quickly to “business as usual” may have been desirable in previous downturns, employing such a strategy in the midst of a pandemic is more likely to be marked by mass death than by sustained economic inroads.

Looking back at the economic recovery following the Great Recession, we see a prolonged period of sluggish growth and weak labor markets; it is clear that stimulus efforts did not go far enough as California endured 44 straight months of double-digit unemployment. The ideal approach to the current crisis, however, may ironically be a slow-recovery path—yet one with additional government relief programs that are large, sustained, flexible, and perhaps even radical, reflecting the gravity of the situation. Relief, more akin to economic survival packages, should keep families as close to whole as possible throughout the pandemic. Additionally, for those who remained on the job as well as those returning to work, enforceable mandated safety regulations are warranted, including workplace grievance procedures and safety boards that include worker voice; this is especially critical for the majority of workers who are not represented by unions.

The coronavirus-induced downturn is not a recession per se, but instead is an economy intentionally stunted as a precaution against sickness and death. Maintaining a degree of economic suspended animation is required if we are to gain control of the pandemic to a degree that, in turn, will allow a safer return of the economy. This will require large and ongoing amounts of government spending. The country is struggling with the question of whether the shutdown is worth the economic damage. It is worth asking, however, if avoidable loss of life is an acceptable cost of returning to the status quo—especially in a country with vast wealth and means to avert such suffering. We move to our economic analyses of the workforce with deep acknowledgment and gratitude to all of the workers who have sacrificed, and continue to sacrifice, so much in the face of this crisis.

Cover page of A Minimum Compensation Standard for Seattle TNC Drivers

A Minimum Compensation Standard for Seattle TNC Drivers

(2020)

We examine the pay and hours of drivers working for transportation network companies (TNCs) in Seattle and propose a minimum driver compensation standard. Current gross driver hourly pay is approximately $21.53. After expenses of $11.80, a driver nets $9.73 an hour, much less than the minimum wage. A third of all of drivers work more than 32 hours per week and provide 55 percent of all trips. More than four-fifths of full-time drivers purchased their vehicle primarily or partly to provide TNC services. Nearly three-fourths rely on TNC driving as their sole source of income.

Cover page of The Employment Effects of a $15 Minimum Wage in the U.S. and in Mississippi: A Simulation Approach

The Employment Effects of a $15 Minimum Wage in the U.S. and in Mississippi: A Simulation Approach

(2019)

We estimate a calibrated labor market model that we created specifically to analyze the effects of a $15 minimum wage. We take into account how workers, businesses, and consumers are affected and respond to such a policy and we integrate their responses in a unified manner. In doing so, we draw upon modern economic analyses of labor and product markets. As we explain in the report, the main effects of minimum wages are made up of substitution, scale, and income effects. Our estimates compare employment numbers if policy were adopted to employment numbers if the policy had not been adopted. Other factors that may affect employment by 2024 are therefore outside the scope of our analysis.

Our analysis incorporates recent laws that raised state minimum wages, such as in New York State and California. However, we ignore laws that raise minimum wages at the city level. We do so to simplify the presentation. We pay special attention to Mississippi because it is one of the lowest-wage states in the U.S. 

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Cover page of The New Wave of Local Minimum Wage Policies: Evidence from Six Cities

The New Wave of Local Minimum Wage Policies: Evidence from Six Cities

(2018)

We examine the effects of minimum wage policies in six large cities with high citywide minimum wages: Chicago, the District of Columbia, Oakland, San Francisco, San Jose and Seattle. At the end of 2016, the last period of our data availability, citywide minimum wages exceeded $10 in all of these cities and had reached $13 in two—San Francisco and Seattle.

Recent research on minimum wages up to $10 has generally not found employment effects. Ours is the first comprehensive look at effects of minimum wages above $10.

Cover page of A post-Great Recession overview of labor market trends in the United States and California

A post-Great Recession overview of labor market trends in the United States and California

(2018)

It has been well over a decade since the economy tumbled into what is now dubbed the Great Recession—reflecting the historical severity and swiftness of the downturn. The recession officially lasted from December 2007 through June 2009. However, the economy underperformed for nearly a decade as the output gap—GDP coming in under potential—did not close until the end of 2017. After being in the grips of the worst recession since the Great Depression the economy is currently in a lengthy expansion with record job growth, stock market performance, and unemployment rates. But, troubling challenges remain such as weak wage growth, depressed employment rates, high rates of poverty, and increased inequality.

There has been a lot of media attention around advances in automation and how robots are leading to widespread joblessness as the demand for workers shrinks. We find that both of these claims are dubious, at least on a large scale. As this brief will show, job growth is in an unprecedented stretch of monthly gains, unemployment is low and falling, and productivity growth has been on the wane—not much support for the hypothesis of automation causing mass worker displacement. The “gig” economy continues to get significant media attention, but it remains a small fraction of all jobs—estimated to be 0.5 to 1.0 percent of the workforce. The Labor Department recently released the Contingent Worker Survey after a hiatus since 2005. The share of workers that engage in alternative work, including independent contractors and temp workers, did not change—estimated at 10.1% in 2017 compared to 10.7% in 2005. The vast majority of the workforce continue to work in traditional employment situations.